a woman's war: Bangladesh

    a woman’s war: Bangladesh

      An updated version of “A Woman’s War: Bangladesh.”  As featured on FotoVisura and as FotoVisura’s Photo of the Day. A Woman’s War This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the birth of Bangladesh, a nation that emerged from a bloody fight for independence from Pakistan. The story of Bangladesh’s liberation struggle is one that [...]

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    Samira Ibrahim: her journey through Tahrir

      In honor of today’s ruling in Samira Ibrahim’s favor against the Egyptian military, which officially ordered the Egyptian military to stop the use of ‘virginity tests’ on female detainees, here’s a photoessay I worked on this past October while at the GlobalPost/Open Hands Initiative Covering a Revolution Fellowship in Cairo, Egypt.  Many thanks to [...]

    Continue Reading

    the legacy of women in the liberation war, 40 years on

    the legacy of women in the liberation war, 40 years on

      Tarfia Faizullah, a fellow Fulbrighter and beautiful poet who was based in Bangladesh for the past year, is working on a long-term project on women who were raped during the Liberation War.  Out of her project has emerged a series of poems, which she has so wonderfully agreed to share here today. Following the [...]

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    women of the revolution: cairo, egypt

    women of the revolution: cairo, egypt

      Back on the blogging train, and this time with a recent piece I did for GlobalPost.  The photographs were published here, the words are up only on this site.  This continues an exploration that I’ve been working on for the past few years, on the role and experience of women in conflict, previously done in [...]

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    special 9/11 edition

    special 9/11 edition

    In order to mark the tenth anniversary of 9/11, “The Stories We Tell” has shifted its focus to examining the way in which the event has been remembered in the decade since.  Check back throughout the week for features on the way narratives on the event have been shaped, both at home and abroad.

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    process: on the street

    process: on the street

    I recently started something of a photo mini-series called “On the Street,” which involves setting up a makeshift studio – or, three pieces of white paper taped to a wall – on the side of some road with nice light, and taking portraits of whoever passes by and will let me.  Thus far I’ve done [...]

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    Blog

    a woman’s war: Bangladesh

     

    An updated version of “A Woman’s War: Bangladesh.”  As featured on FotoVisura and as FotoVisura’s Photo of the Day.

    A Woman’s War

    This year marks the fortieth anniversary of the birth of Bangladesh, a nation that emerged from a bloody fight for independence from Pakistan. The story of Bangladesh’s liberation struggle is one that is well told and well remembered by the nation; the official narratives are retold and exchanged often – and often by heart.  Stories of the origins of the movement, of its key players and events, of its Freedom Fighters, or mukti juddha, who came together to fight for Bangladeshi independence and emerged victorious in December 1971 after nine months of intense guerrilla warfare, are recounted in schoolbooks and events across the country, month after month, year after year.

    But the individual stories stray from these official narratives.  They begin long before the start of the war in March 1971, and continue far beyond its conclusion.  They are the stories of women who grew up during the heart of the Language Movement, who attended college amidst intense political and social upheaval.  Who found themselves in the middle of a war-torn country – and at the frontlines of the battle for its independence.

    A woman’s war is distinct. She not only has to be a fighter, but is also expected remain a mother, wife, and anchor of the family. Women performed key roles in the 1971 war, serving as combatants, informants, nurses, weapons smugglers, and much more. They also suffered its consequences: psychological trauma, physical debilitation, displacement, widowhood, mass rape with associated pregnancies, and the destruction of their homes and livelihoods.  At the end of the war, they were left with the dual burden of confronting its scars, while attempting to reconstruct their own and their family’s lives.

    Yet, their ordeals remain largely invisible; as Sharmeen Murshid writes, “the 16 volume history of the liberation war published by the government shows an incredible amnesia about the role of women combatants…only emphasiz[ing] women as victims.” With records and rituals of recognition ignoring women’s contributions, their struggles both during and after the war are unrecorded and unrecognized.

    I set out a year ago hoping to learn some of the accounts of these women.  What I found was a whole other history from the one that I had read about in books and papers.

    The project started as a kernel of an idea, sparked by photographs I saw in Drik Photo Agency’s 1971 archives: images of Bangladeshi women in beautifully draped white sarees, marching in perfect lines, rifles perched on their shoulders.  Images led to questions – What was the role of women in this war? Why isn’t their history as readily known as other narratives in the mainstream? – that blossomed into an oral history and photography project – “A Woman’s War” – the images and words that you see now.

    The journey took all of 2011 and crisscrossed Bangladesh, bringing me from the heart of its megacity capital of Dhaka to some of the most remote villages in the countryside, weaving throughout the country’s seven districts along the way. It led me to veterans, activists, legal experts, writers, and artists engaged in these issues of memory and history. It opened the door to a community of women who had been carrying with them their stories from 1971, most untold in forty years since the war’s completion.  Through personal interviews and immersion into the day-to-day existence of individual women, I have focused on three aspects of their lives and the way that the war has defined them, and their families, and their communities:

    1. Personal History: With portraiture and recorded testimonies of female mukti juddha, I hope to add to the histories of the independence struggle and subsequent re-construction of Bangladesh. While the testimonies include women’s wartime experiences, they focus on their lives in the decades since, highlighting the struggles in reconciling the dual roles of fighter and caregiver they have been expected to fill in society.

    2. Physical Scars: Bangladesh’s Liberation War was fought at the doorsteps of every home in the nation; the battlefields were the streets and alleys of her cities and villages. Its scars exist within the souls of the victims and on the surfaces of the country. I visually explore, using individual memories as guides, sites where personal histories were made and personal traumas defined.

    3. Memories & Dreams: As Bangladeshi photographer Shahidul Alam writes,

    What of the photograph made out of nothing? What about painting with light? Is it photography? Surely if we can paint with light we can paint with dreams…Is it fake? Hardly. Whatever else may be false in this tenuous existence of ours, imagination is not…If pixels be the vehicle that realizes our dreams, be it so.

    Using photography as a ‘vehicle’ for the imagination, I work to evoke intangible memories and traumas of this conflict, and the subsequent personal reconciliations experienced by these women. I seek to visualize not only what these fighters have experienced, but also where they wish to go – the dreams they hold for themselves and their children.

    The women that I have met and the testimonies that they have shared are fascinating and heartbreaking.  Conversations included women who ignited the liberation movement, meeting every week under a banyan tree at Dhaka University to protest oppression by the West Pakistani political elite; those who dedicated their lives to the war, losing children and spouses, parents and siblings along the way; women who provided unwavering care and shelter to extended family and fellow mukti juddha, strengthening the war effort and moving it forward; women who stepped into spaces where even many men would not dare to go.

    What emerged from these meetings is another narrative of the war, told through the words of women actively involved in the liberation movement.  They have been at the center of this struggle, from the buildup in the years prior to March 1971, to the reconstruction efforts that have continued in the forty years since. They have spoken to me about the importance of sharing their histories in this moment; with the start of war crime tribunals, they underscore a hope that a reassessment of national history will take place, one that brings the role of women into the story. Through these conversations, the purpose and urgency of this project has become increasingly clear: the need to record the histories and perspectives that the nation has yet to confront, yet whose documentation and acknowledgement is crucial if Bangladesh – and these women who fought for its independence – are to find justice and peace.

    Samira Ibrahim: her journey through Tahrir

     

    In honor of today’s ruling in Samira Ibrahim’s favor against the Egyptian military, which officially ordered the Egyptian military to stop the use of ‘virginity tests’ on female detainees, here’s a photoessay I worked on this past October while at the GlobalPost/Open Hands Initiative Covering a Revolution Fellowship in Cairo, Egypt.  Many thanks to Kristin Deasy, Deena Adel Eid, Julianna Schatz, and Laura El-Tantawy.

    If you’re looking for more information on Samira, be sure to read Kristin’s profile on her and Deena’s report on the details of her case.

    Samira’s Journey through Tahrir

    On March 9, 25-year-old Samira Ibrahim was arrested in Cairo’s Tahrir Square while participating in a protest.  Along with 172 other demonstrators, including 17 women, she was forcefully removed from the protests and brought to the Egyptian Museum on the edge of the square, where she and the others were bound and tortured for seven hours before being loaded onto buses and eventually brought to Heikstep, a military detention center.

    There, she and the other women were forced to break themselves into two groups: virgins and non-virgins.  Samira, along with six others who also identified as the former, were then subjected to ‘virginity tests’ in which they were made to strip naked in a room where soldiers watched through an open window and took photographs on their cell phones.  Afterward, she was brought to a separate room where a man in a military uniform who identified himself as a doctor proceeded to examine her vagina for five minutes for the presence of an intact hymen.

    Samira filed an official complaint with the Egyptian military prosecution.  The only woman in the group that was taken such action, she says she received phone calls with death threats on a near-daily basis since filing her case on July 1.

    Yet she did not desist, continuing to pursue her case despite the danger that comes with it, and even though her lawyers and human rights experts said that the outcome did not look promising.  Now, nearly five months after beginning this process, an Egyptian court has ruled in Samira’s favor, officially ordering the Egyptian military to stop the use of ‘virginity tests’ on female detainees.

    These images trace her journey through the square on that day back in March, as told in her own words.

    Full Captions

    1. The headscarf of Samira Ibrahim.

    “I used to print posters and go and paste them outside schools at night. I would throw rocks at lampposts to put them out so I can paste the posters in the streets and no one would see me, because obviously, if they caught me I’d be in big trouble…When they took me to prison [at age 16], they couldn’t believe I was the one responsible for all the posters.  They thought somebody put me up to it.”

    2. Tahrir Square in the early morning.

    “I had spent the night [of March 8] in [Tahrir] square. Do you see that tree over there? That small one? That’s where I was sleeping. On the lawn.”

    “People were all over, but I used to like to sit under this tree. I didn’t have a tent, so I sat in the shade of the tree…I was kind of surveying the situation, seeing what was happening.  They [the Egyptian soldiers] were attacking us [the protesters]…They were over there and they would come, and go back, come, and go back, but then suddenly, they attacked…They came onto the square with tanks, running people over. Of course, all of us had to run.”

    3. A reflection in the window of a shop in Tahrir Square.

    “I was really scared when I saw the number of officers arriving… People were running here and there in opposite directions. But for me, I felt if I ran here, there’s the American University of Cairo and the Interior Ministry and I wouldn’t be able to escape, so I ran in the opposite direction, towards the city center. I thought, for sure, if I go there the people will protect me.”

    4. A car sits parked in Tahrir Square.

    “I think about 60 people were after me.  All of them were the military…They came, they had weapons, machine guns.  You know, it was almost as if they were there to arrest Al-Qaeda itself.”

    5. Tahrir Square reflected in the window of a tourist agency.

    “First I was standing, watching what was happening, and then they arrested me…  Right underneath that tourist company. They said, ‘get her.’ They pointed at me. They arrested me, but you know how they arrested me? They pulled me from my hair. They dragged me on the ground and my stomach was kind of showing. Since then I’ve been wearing a swimming suit under my clothes so if that happens again it won’t happen. “

    6. A woman walks through a side street in Tahrir Square.

    “I gave myself up and they started to drag me from my hair. It wasn’t just one soldier, it was a number of them, some were beating me, some were pulling me…It felt like a whole infantry was after me. “

    7. Men are silhouetted while sitting in Tahrir Square.

    “They dragged me this whole way, all the way to the museum, from my hair.  They dragged me on my back, they pulled me….Lots of people were being dragged with us… You know, just imagine, look at this distance. Even if someone was running, they’d need a break. but they were dragging me, calling me names, kicking me.”

    8. Guards stand outside the Egyptian Museum, on the edge of Tahrir Square.

    “Near that gray post, there was a military general and he started to accuse me of being a prostitute. I was extremely surprised, thinking, why is he accusing me of that? I was still being dragged this whole distance.”

    9. A sign reading “WELCOME” greets visitors on the fence outside the Egyptian Museum.

    “In the beginning, during the early part of the revolution, I used to stand there in the front, near that statue…Near that fence. That’s where they tied me, from the outside, the side near the street.  Then they started to pour water on us, and electrocute us, and call us names…My hands were tied, I was being humiliated, they poured water on me, electrocuted me, insulted me, the whole time during those seven hours.  People on the square kind of had an idea of what was happening, but there was nothing they could really do.”

    10. A bus loads passengers in Tahrir Square.

    “Then they took us and loaded us on buses and the buses left in that direction…The buses were all military buses.  When we were on the buses they didn’t blindfold us, but they did more than that, they were beating us on the face while we were on the bus. They really beat us very badly. So even, you know, boarding the bus already you’re exhausted, but even on the bus they continue to beat you.”

    “We spent the night on the buses at C-28 [detention center] on March 9. March 10 they took us to prison. The prison is in District 10. The next morning we switched cars; they moved us from the buses to these sort of detention trucks used by the military. The trucks moved with us, we moved a long distance and suddenly I found we were on a desert road. I looked at the sign on the road and I saw Heikstep [prison]. So I thought, have we reached Heikstep? Did they really take us that far? I had never heard of Heikstep until March 9 events and that’s when I found out it was a military prison.”

    11. Samira at a guesthouse looking out over Tahrir Square.  She has come to the city unaccompanied from her hometown in Upper Egypt to file her testimony for her pending complaint against the Egyptian military.

    “They took us straight to prison…it was about 10:30 in the morning and they were already laying accusations against us, they had their weapons pointed at us. They threatened that they would just shoot us and bury us in the sand, so of course we were scared and didn’t want to ask for anything. We’d already been beaten and tortured, so imagine what would happen if we’d asked for something.”

    “So of course when I appeared in front of the prosecutor I didn’t have an attorney, and I was surprised, you know, how could I be here without an attorney? My whole body was exhausted.  I couldn’t talk…you know, no matter how much I tell you I can’t describe how exhausted I felt. Even to this day there are marks on my body, right here on my shoulder there’s a mark. They’re still there.”

    “It occurred to me to ask for an attorney, and when I first went to the prosecutor I asked for an attorney and he sort of looked at me and said, ‘You ask for an attorney? You all deserve to be shot.’”

    12. Samira in her room at a guesthouse in Tahrir Square.

    “In the virginity test case, I said that I was forced to take off my clothes in front of military officials…the person that conducted the test was an officer, not a doctor. He had his hand stuck in me for about five minutes. He made me lose my virginity. Every time I think of this, I don’t know what to tell you I feel awful. I don’t know how to describe it to you.”

    “I know that to violate a woman in that way was considered rape. I felt like I had been raped.”

    13. Samira in her room at a guesthouse in Tahrir Square.

    “All my energy and my thought now is focused now on violations that could happen against women.  I’ve reached a stage where, for me, it’s about me being persistent. And it’s about me standing alone and facing up to what happened to me. Because if I don’t, this could happen to somebody else.  It could happen to you, to her, to any other girls. To any other Egyptian girls.”

    “If any woman is violated and she files a lawsuit against her perpetrators, then this is going to eventually stop, and they’re not going to put pressure on political activists by threatening to violate their wives or daughters. I’m turning the tables on them and telling them, ‘what you did to me, I’m going to use against you’ to prove what they’ve done’…I have to get my rights back”

    the legacy of women in the liberation war, 40 years on

     

    Tarfia Faizullah, a fellow Fulbrighter and beautiful poet who was based in Bangladesh for the past year, is working on a long-term project on women who were raped during the Liberation War.  Out of her project has emerged a series of poems, which she has so wonderfully agreed to share here today.

    Following the end of Bangladesh’s Liberation War on 16 December 1971, forty years ago today, all women who were raped were given the honorific term birangona by the first president of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.  The term, which is often translated to war heroine, was meant to pay respect to the women for their sacrifices during wartime.  Yet it soon became a mark of shame, with many of the women rejected by their families and ostracized by their communities upon their learning of the assault; rape was, and largely still is, seen as an enormous source of shame in Bangladesh for the assaulted woman.

    In working on “A Woman’s War,” I actively chose not to speak to women who had been raped, with the idea that the vast majority of the coverage of women’s role in the 1971 war has centered on women as victims.  Instead I wanted to highlight ways in which women had participated, but were often only attributed to men – to collect stories of women who had fought, spied, smuggled weapons, trained, and so on – stories that would challenge the notion held by some that women were only passive and unwilling participants in the fight for independence.

    Yet in late August, I had the opportunity to speak to nine women who had been raped during the war and who were currently living in and around Sirajganj, in western Bangladesh.  These women are part of a larger group of rape victims who have remained close since the end of the war, supporting each other in ways that their families and the government now refuse to. They have been outspoken against the social stigma associated with rape in Bangladesh, and maintain that they should be called mukti juddha, or freedom fighters, as those who fought in the liberation struggle are, rather than birangona.

    They all receive support from Sirajganj Uttaran Mohila Sangstha (SUMS), an organization founded and run by Safina Lohani. During the Liberation War, Safina provided food, shelter, and medical aid for mukti juddha who were receiving training in preparation for battle.  Following the end of the war, she established SUMS and began seeking out and providing care to those women who had been sexually abused during 1971.  SUMS received government backing until 1975 and the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, at which point the new government cut off all financial support and forced the organization to disband and the women under SUMS’ care to scatter.  Over the course of the next year, Lohani and her husband personally sought out the women previously under their care, brought them back together,  and reestablished SUMS independently.  Since then she has been maintaining and running SUMS unaided, with only the support of private donations.

    What became clear in speaking with these women is that the line between mukti juddha and birangona is often much more blurred than mainstream narratives will allow.  That many women were captured and raped precisely because they were fighting for their country, spying within West Pakistani army camps, collecting information to relay back to fellow Bangladeshi guerrilla fighters.  Yet they are not remembered as fighters.  They are remembered as victims. In the words of Asiya, one of the women at SUMS:

    We hear lots of bad comments; when I cross road people call me wife of the Pakistani military. They tell us that they will not bury us after we die. Why do we bear this sorrow? How can we go to the government?

    During the Liberation War, there was a bridge in front of my house, and all of the freedom fighters’ weapons were in our house.  On the day that the freedom fighters blew up that bridge, I was with them. I passed all the weapons with my own hands from our house. The freedom fighters who are still alive told the government that I was a mukti juddha, but people not call me mukti juddha they call me birangona. What can I do? Where can I speak? Razakars [traitors to Bangladeshi guerrilla fighters] now have freedom fighters’ certificates; they stay in houses and buildings now, and we stay under the banana leaf.  I cooked rice for the freedom fighters, I hid all the time, brought them their weapons. Now, I am not a mukti juddha, but they [razakars] are? Twenty days after the war started I went to the Pakistani military’s hospital, gathered information – where the Pakistani army’s weapons were, where they were planning to go – all that information I gave to the freedom fighters.

    Now I don’t want tell any more. I talk about my experience time and time again, but nobody has done anything.  The government has not given us freedom fighters’ certificates, but razakars have those certificates. I have proof that I was a fighter. But now, I have nothing to show for it.  It would be better if we were dead.  Take me in front of the government, I will tell them to kill us by shooting us. It would be much better than how we live now. 

    §

    What follows is a series of Tarfia’s poems inspired from conversations with a number of women who were raped during the war, including the group of SUMS women from Sirajganj, coupled with a few of the images that I made while working with the SUMS women.  Tarfia’s work needs no introduction, other than to say – give yourself time with these poems.  They tell the stories of these women in a way that allows you to reach past words like rape and victim and trauma in order to begin to feel their experiences with them, and her.

    I’m so honored and humbled to be able to bring my photographs together with Tarfia’s words.  Collectively, we hope to be able to tell a piece of this story in a new light, a story forty years removed, yet one that is still so present in the lives of these women, their families, and their country.

    Interview with a Birangona, by Tarfia Faizullah

    In 1972, the Bangladeshi state adopted a policy to accord a new visibility to the 200,000 women raped during the War of Independence by lionizing them as birangonas (war heroines), though they were frequently ostracized by their families and social circles.

    1. What were you doing when they came for you?

    Gleaming water sweeps over
    Mother’s feet. Bayonets. Teeth.

    My green and yellow Eid sari
    flaps damply between two palm

    trees. Grandfather calls to me:
    mishti maya. Girl of sweetness.

    Aashi, I call back. I finish braiding
    my hair, tie it tight. I twine a red string

    around my thigh. That evening,
    a blade sliced through string, through

    skin, red on red on red. Kutta, the man
    in khaki says. It is only later I realize

    it is me he is calling dog. Dog. Dog.

    (originally published in Ploughshares)

     

    2. Where did the Pakistani military take you, and were there others there?

    Past the apothecary shop, shut
    down, burned flat. My heart

    seized, I told it to hush. They saw
    its shape and weight and wanted

    it too. Past the red mosque
    where I first learned to touch

    my forehead low, to utter
    the wet words blown from

    my mouth again & again. Past
    the school draped with banners

    imploring Free Our Language,
    a rope steady around my throat

    as they pushed me toward the dark
    room, the silence clotted thick

    with a rotten smell, dense like pear
    blossoms, long strands of jute

    braided fast around our wrists.
    Yes, there were others.

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    Interviewer’s Note

    ii.

    I walk past white high-rises
    split with mold. Past a child
    wading through drowned
    rice fields, one pink blossom
    tucked behind her ear. Past
    myself rippling a storefront
    window. Victim: (noun), one
    that is tricked or duped. Past
    a woman crouched low
    on a jute mat selling bangles.
    One that is injured, destroyed
    under any of various conditions.
    Was it on a jute mat that
    she gave birth to the baby
    half-his or his or his? Victim:
    a living being sacrificed. Past smoke
    helixing from an untended fire.
    Past another clothesline heavy
    with saris: for hours they
    will lift into the wind, hollow
    of any bruised or broken body.

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    3. Were there other girls there? Did you get along with them?

    Between us: a dark metal
    bucket, our hands touching.

    We pulled water together
    from the muddy river we

    used to sit beside before
    we belonged to the smoke-

    watered world missing brothers &
    husbands & fathers. I ask for

    Allah’s forgiveness: I didn’t know
    I would cherish the vermilion

    streak she drew into the seam of her
    parted hair. I didn’t know my body’s

    worth until they came for it. I held
    her as she shook at night: pondwater

    scored by storm. She held me
    as I shook at dawn. Don’t you know

    they made us watch her head fall
    from the rusted blade of the old

    jute machine? That they made us
    made us made us made us made us?

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

     

    4. Would you consider yourself a survivor or victim?

    Each week I pull hard
    the water from the well,

    bathe in my sari, wring
    it out, beat it against

    the flattest rocks—are you
    Muslim or Bengali, they

    asked again & again.
    Both, I said, both—then

    rocks were broken along
    my spine, my hair a black

    fist in their hands, pulled
    down into the river again

    and again. Each day, each
    night: river, rock, fist—

    the river wanders this way,
    breaks that way, that is

    always the river’s play. 

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    Interviewer’s Note

    iii.

    I listen to the percussion

    of monsoon season’s wet

    wail, write in my notebook

    badgirl, goodgirl,

    littlebeauty—in Bangla

    there are words

    for every kind of woman

    but a raped one

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

     

    5. Who was in charge at this camp? What were your days like?

    All I knew was underground: bodies piled on bodies,
    low moans, sweat, rot seeking out scratches on our thighs,

    the makeshift tattoos he carved on our backs to mark us.
    Over milk tea and butter biscuits, the commander asks

    what it feels like to have dirty blood running through our
    veins. There were days we wooed him, betrayed each other

    for his attention—now he turns me over on burlap.
    Outside, bundles of jute skim the wide river. I turn

    my face away. Kutta, he says. You smell. Tell me anything
    you know about the body, and I will tell you how

    it must turn against itself. Now I’ve seen a savage 
    girl naked, he says. How my body became an eddy,

    a blackblue swirl. Don’t cry, he says. How when the time
    came for his choosing, we all gave in for tea, a mango,

    overripe.  Another chance to hear the river’s gray lull.

    (originally published in Ploughshares)

    Interviewer’s Note

    iv.

    Today there is no drinking

    water today there is no

    light today there is only

    kerosene the hmm hmm hum

    of a generator pulsing deep

    into the exhausted darkness

    I write the word shame

    It is possible to live without

    memory Nietszche said but

    is it possible to live with it?

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    6. After the war was over, what did you do? Did you go back home?

    I stood in the dark

    doorway. Twilight. My grandfather’s

    handprint raw across my face. Byadob,

     

    he called me: trouble-

    maker. How could you let them 

    touch you? he asked, the pomade just

    coaxed into his thin hair

    a familiar shadow of scent

    between us even as he turned

     

    away. Leave. Don’t come

    back, he said. I walked past his

    turned-away back. Past fresh-plucked

     

    lychees brimming

    yellow baskets. Past Mother

    on the doorstep sifting through rice flour,

     

    refusing or told not

    to look up, though the new

    president had wrapped me in our new

     

    flag: a red sun rising

    across a green field. You

    saved our country, he had said. I said

    nothing. The dark rope

    of Mother’s shaking arm was what

    I last saw before I walked away.

     

    No. No. Not since.

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    Interviewer’s Note

    v.

    If burnt, she said, I’ll turn to ash,
    and I wondered if she meant, Who 
    will touch me as though they never 
    did? She said, When I remember, 
    my being shatters, and I thought of dusk
    candling into small flames in dark
    canteens across the city, flagrant
    across faces of beggars, their gaunt,
    atrophied arms they set swinging
    to garner the little pity the rippling
    glimpses of our faces offer through
    each tinted, glossy window. You 
    tell me, she said, am I not also your mother?
    And I thought of the shapla lily ensnared
    in the film of filth laminating the pond—
    her teeth, rotten with betel, blood-red.

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    7. Many of the birangona had children by Pakistani soldiers. Did you have a child as well?

    Besides, I did not have the right
    hands to hold her close. The blood

    spilled from within me out onto
    the bamboo mat, a red shroud.

    Besides, she could not feed at my
    breast: unwilling hollow of flesh

    veined like our country’s many
    rivers. My country, yours—was it

    hers? She grew whole inside me
    like a lychee, my belly a hard shell

    broken open by her soft, wailing
    flesh. Besides, I did not want his

    or his or his child inside me,
    outside me, beside me. Never

    will she know that I cupped her
    head and began to press hard, but

    stopped. That I laid her between
    cotton and dirt floor, placed the tip

    of my finger over her beating heart.

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

     

    Interviewer’s Note

    vi.

    But wasn’t it the neat narrative
    I wanted? The outline of the rape
    victim in a sari standing against
    the many-winged darkening sky,
    shadow flurrying across shadow?
    They tossed me into that river 
    but the river wouldn’t kill me,
    she said yesterday—I want
    that darkness she stood against
    to be yards of violet velvet my mother
    once cut me a dress from. Rewind. Play.
    Rewind. They tossed—me—river—me
    I wanted the splayed heart of another’s
    hand inside mine. I want to know
    if cruelty exists, or if it is only love’s threadbare
    desperation—river—me—river—me—me—

    (originally published in Mid-American Review) 

    8. Do you have siblings? Where were they?

    On a thin lavender evening
    like this one, we sisters sat

    and waited until we were only
    the listening for them to come.

    We became these four walls:
    corrugated, twilit. On a thin

    lavender evening like this one,
    we were each other’s world

    entire: both the woodrose as well
    as its tangled stem. When they came

    for us on a thin lavender evening
    like this one, we tried to pull each

    other’s saris out of their rifle-black
    hands. We tried to scream through

    fingers ripe with our own rivers. On
    a thin lavender evening like this one,

    she was not yet the ripped bandage
    the night turned into the crimson

    moon under which I did not know
    I would stumble gasping, alone.

    We had held each other’s hands
    but did not promise not to let go.

    (originally published in Mid-American Review)

    If you’re interested in donating to or learning more about the women of SUMS, please contact me.

    About the poet

    Tarfia Faizullah was born in Brooklyn, NY on June 21, 1980 but grew up in Midland, TX. A Plan II Honors student, she received a B.A. from the University of Texas at Austin and an M.F.A in creative writing from Virginia Commonwealth University.

    Her poems have appeared in Mid-American Review, Connotation Press, New Ohio Review, Copper Nickel, diode, Passages North, The Cincinnati Review, The Missouri Review, Massachusetts Review, The Nepotist, Ninth Letter, Crab Orchard Review, Notre Dame Review, Bellingham Review, Nimrod International Literary Journal, The Southern Review, Ploughshares, Cimarron Review, Memorious, Makeout Creek, Harpur Palate, Green Mountains Review, Adirondack Review, and Poetry Daily. Her prose has appeared in Nashville Review and diode.

    A Kundiman fellow and a two-time Ruth Lilly finalist, she is the recipient of a Dorothy Sargent Rosenberg Prize, a Fulbright Fellowship, a Bread Loaf Writers’ Conference Margaret Bridgman Scholarship, a Ploughshares Cohen Award, an Academy of American Poets’ Catherine Joan Byrne Prize, an AWP Intro Journals Award, and a Pushcart Prize nomination. A former associate editor of blackbird: a journal of literature and the arts, she lives in Richmond, VA where she teaches creative writing and edits the journal trans-portal.

    women of the revolution: cairo, egypt

     

    Back on the blogging train, and this time with a recent piece I did for GlobalPost.  The photographs were published here, the words are up only on this site.  This continues an exploration that I’ve been working on for the past few years, on the role and experience of women in conflict, previously done in Vietnam and Bangladesh, and now here in the United States.  This is the chapter from Egypt, centering on what Cairene women had to say on being female and immersed in the recent political uprisings in Egypt.  They spoke both to the events themselves, and to the representation of women in the revolution by the media; their responses were impassioned and highly varied – read on to learn more.

    Women of the Revolution

    The events of Tahrir Square in January and February 2011 have been hailed as everything from a boon to a bust for the women of Egypt, with countless reports covering and recovering retrospectives on women’s role in the continuing Egyptian revolution.  But what do the women themselves have to say, about their own stories?

    Responses to queries on the role of women in the revolution ranged from engaged to exasperated, with those in the latter camp feeling that the issue has been covered far too many times – and in a far too demeaning way.  The feminist movement in Egypt has a long history, with many of the women involved in the movement having been actively involved in politics far prior to January 25.  A number of the women interviewed underscored that this narrative has been too often excluded from the write-ups emerging from Egypt over the past year.

    But in being asked to reexamine the coverage, those who were interviewed spoke to both the positive and negative aspects of how the media had portrayed Egyptian women in the revolution.  Some were pleased that the media was highlighting the issue of gender equality at all, a fight in which they had been personally engaged for years.  Yet others were frustrated by what they saw as superficial coverage, with the frequent references to women in burqas standing hand-in-hand with those in tight jeans rubbing many Egyptian women the wrong way.  They said that they felt confined by the categorization – that they were first and foremost activists and Egyptians and that those, rather than gender, should be their primary identifiers.

    Yet, while some women were loath to label themselves as “female” before “revolutionary”, others underscored the importance of the distinction in the push for the advancement of women’s rights.  Heba Morayef, a researcher in the Middle East and North Africa division of Human Rights Watch who is currently based in Cairo, said that the younger generation’s desire to see itself as post-feminist, fighting under the broader cover of human rights rather than women’s rights may be problematic. “It is a huge issue because then they don’t have the constituencies pushing for women’s rights; if there is not ownership, progress won’t be made.” Meena Tarek, a political activist and worker at the Asian African Bank, agrees.  “Change for women will come from women, not laws, and then be spread to society that way.”

    Whether or not they list it among their primary political priorities, gender equality remains at the forefront of most women’s minds on a daily basis.  For many, the 18 days in Tahrir Square provided a glimpse of an Egypt that could be. “It was like Paris,” Tarek says.  Sally Zohney, a political activist and researcher at UN Women in Cairo, concurs.  “It became surreal how perfect the relationship between men and women was.  For a month I never thought I was a girl.  No one ever looked at me like I was a girl.” Women said they felt safer within the square, at any time of day, than they had ever felt before in Cairo, reporting that cases of sexual harassment all but disappeared during the encampment.

    And that is no issue to be taken lightly, with sexual harassment consistently listed as one of the most pressing problems facing Egyptian society today.  According to a study released in July 2008 by the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights (ECWR), 83% of Egyptian women reported being harassed, with half saying that it happened on a daily basis.  Furthermore, a full 62% of Egyptian men openly admitted to sexually harassing women.  With such high numbers – on both sides – reporting harassment, it is no wonder that the issue has been deemed an epidemic by many Egyptians.

    Women are divided as to whether or not the gender dynamics of Tahrir have lingered.  Some say that that things have returned to the status quo, with the utopia of Tahrir dismantled with the growing disillusionment of the SCAF’s rule. Others maintain that a new era has begun for Egyptian women, one in which political participation is more widespread and conversations are open to a greater range of voices.  Yet others emphasize that this was mostly a revolution of the urban middle class, with the majority of its most active participants belonging to the liberal, elite, and non-conformist segments of Egyptian society, and as such, the revolution has not reached much of Egypt’s population yet.

    One sentiment that was common among all women interviewed, however, was their emphasis on abstaining from overarching judgments about the impact of the revolution on all Egyptian females.  “Not all your fingers are the same,” Mozn Hassan, the Executive Director at the Nazra for Feminist Studies in Cairo, says. She and others interviewed underscored the importance of personal narrative, of asking about their role and experience during the revolution – as an activist, a protester, an individual, a woman – rather generalizing regarding the contribution and impact on Egyptian females as a whole.  Each stressed the value of listening to their own, individual histories and of generating the larger picture from those collective narratives.

    What is above are 13 such stories from 13 women.

    Full Captions

    1. Hand of Shaimaa Lotfi

    The issue of women in the Egyptian revolution is one that has been covered repeatedly by numerous news outlets across the world.  In October 2011, I spoke to 13 Egyptian women about the media’s coverage of women’s involvement in the revolution and their own experiences during and after the fall of Mubarak.  Their roles were varied, as were their experiences and reactions to the revolution, with some having actively joined the movement and others forced to do so by circumstance.  All have much to say about how it has effected their lives, and how their experiences are similar to – and different from – those of other Egyptian women.

    2. Rasha Ali Abdulraham

    Rasha Ali Abdulraham, 28, was at a protest in Tahrir Square on March 9, 2011 when she and 172 other demonstrators, including 17 women, were arrested and forcefully removed from the demonstrations. After being bound and tortured at the Egyptian Museum for seven hours, she and the others were loaded onto buses and brought to Heikstep, a military detention center.  There, the women were forced to divide into two groups: virgins and non-virgins.  She and six others, who identified as the former, were then subjected to ‘virginity tests’ in which military officers examined each woman’s vagina for an extended period of time for the presence of an intact hymen.  When she was released four days later, she wanted to press charges against the military for sexual assault, but was unable to do so due to legal reasons.   Abdelrahman said it took her months to process the trauma and that months later, she still suffers from stress of the incident.

    3. Jehad Adel

    Jehad Adel, 18, pictured in her grandparents’ house, where she has lived since her father was incarcerated and her mother abandoned her and her two younger siblings last year.  In the opening days of the revolution, Jehad’s father was shot dead while in jail during a rash of shootings in the country’s prisons that left over 100 dead.  Though the reason behind the shootings remains unclear, Jehad and her grandparents continue to demand justice, working with the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights to bring his case to court.

    4. Shaimaa Lotfi

    Shaimaa Lotfi, born and raised in Cairo, loves Miley Cyrus and Justin Beiber, speaks near-perfect English, and hopes to one day move to the United States to work.  Since February 2011, the soft-spoken teen and her mother, Nadia Lotfi (image 8), have found themselves drawn into the Egyptian political and human rights scene; Shaimaa’s uncle, like Jehad Adel’s father, was shot dead while in prison during the opening days of the revolution.  Pieces of the campaign for her uncle can be seen scattered throughout her room, with pictures of her deceased uncle in frames and scanned onto the sides of mugs on her bedside table.

    5. Shaimaa Lotfi

    Shaimaa stands in her room in Cairo, Egypt.

    6. Um Adel Ezbet Abu Hashish

    On Saturday, January 29, Um Adel watched as her husband spoke on a cell phone to their incarcerated son, Adel Mahmoud, to confirm what his prison mates had conveyed in an earlier call: “officers are shooting us inside the prison, there are dead bodies lying around the cells and prison corridors.”  Shortly thereafter, he was shot and killed.  She now cares for Adel’s son and two daughters in her small apartment on the top floor of an old and decaying building in Old Cairo.  She is also working to bring Adel’s case to court, and has faced a great deal of resistance from the military, who has repeatedly attempted to cover up the incident – from painting over bullet holes to delaying the collection of evidence in prisons.

    7. Sally Zohney

    The room of Sally Zohney, an employee of UN Women and an active participant in the revolution since its beginning, is dotted with pictures from her world travels and a collection of encyclopedias that she said were her favorite books to read growing up.  To her, Tahrir Square was a haven of sorts. “It became surreal how perfect the relationship between men and women was,” Zohney says, “For a month I never thought I was a girl.  No one ever looked at me like I was a girl.”

    8. Nadia Lotfi

    In the opening days of the revolution, Nadia Lotfi’s brother was one of more than 100 prisoners shot dead by Egyptian security guards while serving a prison sentence.  Since February 2011, Nadia Lotfi has been visiting the prosecutor’s office regularly to follow up on her brother’s case.  “Every time I have gone,” Lotfi says, “they have told me the investigation was still going.”  She acknowledges that it will be difficult to see any progress or response from the military, but says that she will continue to push for justice for her brother’s case.  Here pictured in her home in Cairo with some of her deceased brother’s clothing.

    9. Mai Hamdi Gheith

    Mai Hamdi Gheith, who asked that her age not be disclosed, was raised by highly politically active parents.  But it wasn’t until this past January that she considered entering into politics, following the path of her father, a prominent opposition figure who had been jailed multiple times for his resistance to Mubarak’s regime.  When the protests began in Tahrir Square, she gathered her husband and two kids and went down to the demonstrations.  The pace of the family’s life changed immediately. They would wake up early, spend all day at Tahrir, not returning home until late at night.  Now, she is concerned about the direction her country is headed in, especially the threat of rising religious and social oppression.  She is considering running for office or taking a more active role in politics, citing the fall of Mubarak as opening up a world of possibilities.

    10. Gigi Ibrahim

    With over 25,000 twitter followers, Gigi Ibrahim is considered a member of Egypt’s Twitterati, able to mobilize thousands with 140 characters or less.  Having played a major part in organizing the revolution, with an especially active online presence, Ibrahim’s role was easily publically available to Western audiences.  As a result, she has received a great deal of attention from the Western media.  Fluent in English, and partially raised in California, she acknowledges that she is an “acceptable face” to those Western audiences, yet she has begun to decline interviews, saying that the countless other women – mothers, daughters, sisters, students, lawyers – who came to Tahrir and marched alongside her, whose stories remain untold, need to be highlighted instead.  She continues to be a key presence in the highly active Egyptian Twitter scene.

    11. Samira Ibrahim Mahmud

    On the night of March 9, Samira Ibrahim Mahmud was one of the women who was arrested along with Rasha Ali Abdulraham (image 2) while at a protest in Tahrir Square.  She, like Abdulraham, was subjected to a ‘virginity test’ while being held at the military detention center.  Released four days later, she traveled home to rural Upper Egypt, where she suffered for months from emotional trauma and stress in the aftermath of the incident.  But a few months later, she filed an official complaint against the Egyptian military.  About the incident Samira says, “I know that to violate a woman in that way was considered rape. I felt like I had been raped.”  Since filing the complaint on July 1, 2011, she says that she has received death threats on a near-daily basis in the form of phone calls and text messages.   She knows that the court case is an uphill battle, and likely a dangerous one, but she intends to fight.  Asked if she would ever consider leaving Egypt she responds immediately with “No.  No, never.”

    12. Samira Ibrahim Mahmud

    Human rights activists acknowledge how unusual it is for a woman from rural Egypt to take actions against sexual assault in a country where it is largely a taboo subject, often considered shameful to a woman and her family.  But Samira remains steadfast; “all my energy and my thought now is focused now on violations that could happen against women,” she says.  She maintains that women played a role equal to that of men leading the revolution but that women are afraid now. “We need to break that fear…If there was a young girl in front of me, I would teach her courage and freedom, but not without limits, with moderation. I wouldn’t limit her freedom, but I would show her how to be strong and free, and not fear anything.”

    13. Sally Zohney

    Sally Zohney, who works at UN Women and has been actively involved in the revolution since the very beginning, is now part of a group called Tahrir Monologues, which performs stories from the eighteen days in Tahrir Square.  She says that the media is far too quick to portray Egyptian women as victims, even though women played an equal part in the revolution.  “The woman is either screaming, crying, or being slapped,” Zohney says.  She hopes that Tahrir Monologues and other movements can combat these negative representations by providing alternative perspectives.

    14. Mona Seif

    When asked to describe her role in politics, Mona Seif says that she is first and foremost a scientist.  Nothing came before her work in the lab; as of last fall, she was planning on moving to the States to enroll in a PhD program.  But when the political dynamics in Egypt started shifting, she knew she couldn’t leave her country.  Coming from a family involved in the dissident movement, activism and protest were never far from home.  During her during her teenage years, she – like most adolescents – rebelled against her parents, but in her case it was by bringing home politically apathetic boyfriends.  Yet, in January 2011, Seif found herself in the middle of “the tweeting center of the revolution,” as she puts it, where around thirty people worked around the clock to mobilize people on the ground.  Since then, she has helped found No Military Trials for Civilians, which is working to end the use of military tribunals in civilian cases.  When asked if she’s frightened of the intimidation tactics of the military, she says she’s not – because she’s used to it.  “I was raised in a home where the phones were monitored so I really don’t care.”

    15. Lamiece Hisham El Layat

    The daughter of Mai Hamdi Gheith (image 9), Lamiece went to Tahrir most days during the revolution with her mother, father and brother to protest from early in the morning to late in the evening.  Though her grandfather had been an active opposition figure, her family had refrained from becoming involved in politics until this past January.  But now that her whole family is mobilized, she feels that she has a much more active role to play in shaping the country’s social and political future.

    16. Nadia Lotfi

    Nadia Lotfi (image eight) tells the story of her brother’s shooting.

    17. Mona Makram Ebeid

    Mona Makram Ebeid, who is running for the Upper House of Parliament in Shoubra, watches a press conference by the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces of Egypt (SCAF).  When asked by GlobalPost if she lived in Shoubra, Ebeid responded, “No, I live in Zamalek.  I am only running in Shoubra.”  Zamalek, one of wealthiest districts of Cairo, houses many of the city’s political and social elite amongst the high-rise hotels and chic Nile-side restaurants and is starkly different from the largely poor and Coptic neighborhood of Shoubra.

    18. Abla Farok Ahmed

    A mother of five, Abla Farok Ahmed, 36, was never active in politics.  But when her son was arrested at a protest on false grounds, where he had gone to search for his younger brother who was participating in the demonstrations, the fight quickly became personal.  She enlarged pictures of her son and his friend, their neighbor, who had been arrested with him, and went to the protest to see if she could find any information on their whereabouts.  After months of searching, she received news that he was being detained and tortured at a military detention center outside Cairo.  By the time she located him, he had already faced trial and been found guilty on the fabricated charges for which he had been arrested.  With the help of Mona Seif and No Military Trials for Civilians, she is pressuring for an appeal for son.  She has also begun to organize other mothers to the cause, bringing the group from its original 30 to 700 mothers who protest regularly against military trials.

    recommended reading: remembering 9/11

    There has been a deluge of stories on 9/11 and its aftermath in the past week, ranging from the personal to political to polemic, some looking back on the past 10 years, some looking forward to what could come.  I’ve been trying to keep a close eye on who’s been writing what on the issue, and have generated a small list on some of the standouts.  See below for a few recommendations, and feel free to comment with your own – I’d like to keep this list growing with suggestions.

    • A Decade After 9/11: We Are What We Loathe,” by Chris Hedges, TruthDig.  10 September 2011.  Chris Hedges writes a stunning piece 9/11 and its aftermath.  It was this paragraph – and the very last one in the story, but I’ll let you come to that one on your own – in particular that caught me:

    Reporters in moments of crisis become clinicians. They collect data, facts, descriptions, basic information, and carry out interviews as swiftly as possible. We make these facts fit into familiar narratives. We do not create facts but we manipulate them. We make facts conform to our perceptions of ourselves as Americans and human beings. We work within the confines of national myth. We make journalism and history a refuge from memory. The pretense that mass murder and suicide can be transformed into a tribute to the victory of the human spirit was the lie we all told to the public that day and have been telling ever since. We make sense of the present only through the lens of the past, as the French philosopher Maurice Halbwachs pointed out, recognizing that “our conceptions of the past are affected by the mental images we employ to solve present problems, so that collective memory is essentially a reconstruction of the past in the light of the present. … Memory needs continuous feeding from collective sources and is sustained by social and moral props.”

    • 9/11: The Decennial Review,” by Harper’s editors, Harper’s Magazine.  9 September 2011.  Harper’s compiles all their weekly reviews relating to the “war on terrorism,” creating what they call a quasi-narrative on the subject.  A fascinating evolution to read, to see how we were responding to the events as they were unfolding.  The first entry is particularly shocking to relive.
    • The Uses and Misuses of 9/11,” by Robert Klitzman, The Nation.  9 September 2011.  The brother of a woman who was killed in the World Trade Center speaks to the way that the memory of the fallen has been co-opted for political aims.
    • The Legacy of 9/11: An Institutionalization of Terror at Home and Abroad,” by Chip Pitts, Nation of Change.  10 September 2011.
    • The Best, Most Damning Reports of the 9/11 Era,” Lois Beckett, Braden Goyette, and Marian Wang, ProPublica. 9 September 2011.  ProPublica‘s own compilation of analyses and reports on various aspects of 9/11 and its fallout.
    • A 9/11 Coloring Book,” by Elizabeth Minkel, The New Yorker.  1 September 2011.  (See the actual product here.)
    • Teaching students about 9/11 presents challenges,” by Teresa Wantabe, Los Angeles Times.  10 September 2011.
    • An Era in Ideas,” by various authors, The Chronicle Review.  7 August 2011.  As The Chronicle describes, “To mark the 10th anniversary of the September 11 attacks, The Chronicle Review asked a group of influential thinkers to reflect on some of the themes that were raised by those events and to meditate on their meaning, then and now.”  Covering themes ranging from terrorism to justice to memory, some fascinating pieces in here.
    • How 9/11 Should be Remembered,” by Rebecca Solnit, TomDispatch.  10 September 2009.  Not new, but certainly still relevant.  A personal favorite of mine that I’ve returned to many, many times.

    And last, but certainly not least.  ”Listening Post – 9/11: When truth became a casualty of war,” Al Jazeera English.  10 September 2011.  A fantastic and absolutely vital examination of the affect of 9/11 on the news media over the past ten years.

    See full documentary above.  It’s roughly 26 minutes long – and absolutely worth sitting down and watching the piece in full.

    The Politics of 9/11 Narratives in History Textbooks

    He who controls the present, controls the past. He who controls the past, controls the future.

    Orwell 1949: 37

    Think back to your high school history textbook.  How many hours did you spend bent over its pages, copying “key terms” onto flashcards the night before an exam?  How often did you complain of the weight it added to your backpack?

    How often did you question what was written on its pages?

    “The Politics of 9/11 Narratives in History Textbooks Worldwide” is an in-depth analysis of how political forces have shaped the narratives on 9/11 in high school textbooks worldwide.  It provides a never-before seen look into history textbooks from across the globe, illustrating how purportedly objective accounts are refashioned for political ends. While history textbooks are often seen as an authority on their subject, authored by teachers and historians, those who can be counted on to write objectively on events of the past, to distill the “important stuff,” this study reveals that it is press teams more than educators and politicians more than academics who are dictating the narratives currently found in textbooks around the world.

    Textbooks reflect and inform national memory, serving as barometers of the accepted views of the day and acting as one of the most powerful means of socializing a nation’s youth into the ideals and ideologies of the nation.  The fact that textbooks target the youth – the country’s next generation of leaders – means these curricula have implications far beyond the present. Thus it is imperative to consider the consequences of such ‘official histories’ communicated through national textbooks, specifically how these narratives of the past are dictated by the very political agendas that they are, in turn, attempting to shape.

    Although previous studies have examined how textbook narratives of past events reflect current political views, few have done so in as systematic and comprehensive a way as this study, with as large a sample size. Additionally, narratives of 9/11, one of the most definitive moments in recent history, will undoubtedly be examined for years to come. As such, this study stands as one of the earliest – if not the first – assessment of the documentation of this event, providing a critical examination of the first iterations of these histories worldwide.

    In revealing the ways that textbook narratives are currently shaped, encouraging the reevaluation of such methods, and proposing a new way forward, this study seeks to not only examine the current state of education, but to also promote a transformation in the way we teach and view the role of history.

    §

    I set out to examine these concepts by studying the differences in the way the events of 9/11 were being written into the textbooks of high school history textbooks from ten countries around the world: Brazil, Chile, France, Germany, India, Pakistan, People’s Republic of China (China), Republic of China (Taiwan), and Spain, and the United States.  I hypothesized that elements of each nation’s textbook narratives on 9/11 could be predicted based on the country’s current political and social characteristics.  To measure these political agendas and characteristics, I established a set of eight indicators, each of which would subsequently predict a specific part of the narrative; for example, the measure of a country’s political relations with the United States would predict how the narrative addressed the American response to 9/11 and its subsequent war efforts.  The indicators were split into two groups: (1) internal indicators, which measured internal political characteristics of the given nation, such as the effectiveness of its government and the religious composition of its population, and (2) external indictors, which measured the nation’s political, economic, and military alliances with the US. In order to ensure the integrity of the study – so I wasn’t simply cherry picking measures that would produce results that supported my hypothesis – I selected these indicators before I saw the textbook narratives.

    To then thoroughly analyze the narratives in each textbook, I constructed a typology that consisted of ten questions, each of which focused on a specific aspect of the representation of 9/11 and its aftermath. I then collected the values of each indicator for each country, and conducted a thorough content discourse analysis (CDA) of its secondary school level social science textbook narratives using the typology above.

    The results were astonishing.

    For each nation, the narratives strongly followed the predictions of the set of eight indicators, which encompassed the description of the actors, the number of alternative views provided, the tone adopted in regard to the “war on terror,” as well as the view of the Untied States and the country’s own standing within the narrative.  Deviation from the anticipated results occurred in countries with a higher level of freedom of speech, as textbook from these countries provided a greater number of perspectives and prompts for critical within their narratives.  While I could speak to the results for the country-specific analysis for pages and pages, we’ll let a simple diagram do the talking for now.

    In the figure below, countries are plotted according to the value of the eight indicators. The narratives of countries in Quadrant I (upper-right) have an emphasis on 9/11 similar to that in US textbooks, and a generally positive view of US actions abroad. The narratives of countries in Quadrant II (upper-left) stress different aspects of 9/11, but maintain a positive overall perspective. The narratives of countries in Quadrant III (lower left) have a more critical position on the United States, and their narratives focus generally on different aspects of 9/11 than the United States. Countries in Quadrant IV (lower-right) have narratives with emphases similar to the US in regard to 9/11, but maintain negative stances on US actions; this is the least common combination of internal and external characteristics.

    I have found that overall, the patterns illustrated in the figure above strongly reflect those observed in the narratives analyzed. The higher on the Y-axis a given country is situated, the more positive (or the less critical) its views on US actions in its textbook narratives. The further to the left a country falls on the X-axis, the more one-dimensional and divergent from the US with regard to 9/11 its narratives.

    In addition to country-specific variation, there were fascinating patterns between regional and political groupings. In each regional grouping, the narrative on 9/11 is constructed so as to relate to local events, thereby providing a forum for the discussion of relevant and politically sensitive issues. For example, in South Asia, the relationship between India and the Pakistan is a theme throughout the Pakistani narratives, with the “warmth of relationship” between the two nations driving a substantial portion of the narrative and leading directly into the description of the events of 9/11. On the other hand, in East Asia, Taiwan uses 9/11 as a metaphor for its own struggle for independence, examining dimensions of its own ethnic conflict through the lens of the event. In Western Europe, the event is used to highlight Islamophobic tensions, with the events of 9/11 used as an example of threats against Western freedom and strength.

    With respect to political and military alliances, all NATO members had narratives that strongly emphasized the importance and success of the Afghanistan war.  On the other hand, the rising powers of Brazil, Russia, India, and China – the nations of the so-called BRIC alliance – address American dominance in a remarkably different manner than other countries in the sample. All of these countries challenge American authority, strongly rebuking US-led military actions abroad, emphasizing the lack of consensus in the international community, and stressing the increasing importance of multilateralism. Furthermore, while both Chinese and Indian narratives address US hegemony, they do so in conspicuously different ways. Whereas Indian narratives discuss American hegemony as likely to decline, Chinese narratives speak of waning American hegemony as “an irresistible tide of history” – a process already in progress. Strikingly, these tones directly reflect the countries’ current political prominence; both are strong powers, yet China has more influence than India.

    How are these narratives constructed? While the substitution of a single word – incident for attack, grievous rather than horrific – may not seem significant, the impact on the narrative is substantial. All of the choices made in the creation of a narrative – the space devoted to the event, the phrases, the images, and the sentence constructions– combine to produce a distinct viewpoint and message. Analysis of these individual components and the tone they generate allows for comparison of the messages from various national narratives, as well as insight into how they lead to different interpretations of the same events. By focusing on specific aspects of an account, a narrative engenders selective learning, creating a distinct dominant view, a pattern seen repeatedly throughout this survey.  Through selective inclusions, omissions, emphases, and de-emphases, narratives of the past can be molded to directly reflect and reinforce current political agendas and aims.

    Admittedly, narrative manipulation is not new; it has been employed in curriculum construction to establish and reinforce national identity since the invention of the nation-state (Anderson 1995). A “stable past” is necessary to “validate tradition, to confirm our own identity, and to make sense of the present” (Lowenthal 1985: 263). To create this distinct identity, however, nations have often had to define an out-group – the “them” – in order to establish a cohesive in- group – the “us.” While textbooks have the ability to “convey a global understanding of history and of the rules of society as well as norms of living with other people,” the comparison of these various narratives has clearly revealed that modern textbooks are not building bridges, but instead are establishing boundaries by emphasizing nation-centric political aims (Schissler 1989: 81). Today, when sustained success requires global cooperation and transnational alliances, textbooks that foster internationalization rather than divisions are not simply an ideal, but an imperative.

    As such, is vital that textbook narratives begin to be seen as directly related to foreign affairs. Firstly, textbooks can be seen as powerful indicators of current dominant attitudes with narratives that strongly reflect current political beliefs, as has been illustrated in this study. Furthermore, textbooks can and should be used to foster understanding. The negative depiction of US bravado and unilateralism in textbook after textbook should serve as a warning to the US, illustrating the need for greater communication and exchange of ideas. Increased efforts to develop international textbooks, with narratives formed through collaboration among multiple countries, would be one way to achieve this goal. Such narratives would incorporate multiple perspectives, providing students with the opportunity to analyze various interpretations and reach their own conclusions.

    It is this final point that provides the most promise – while educators may not be able to influence textbook narratives written and produced at the state level, they do have the opportunity to teach students to read beyond these narratives. I am currently working on developing an alternative curriculum on 9/11 that draws on the various textbooks included in the survey, providing students with accounts from a number of nations and encouraging them to consider these disparate narratives. By challenging students to reflect on why different countries would cast the same event in such starkly different ways, this cross-national curriculum provides a vital lesson in learning how to read and synthesize history.  Teaching students to think critically – to read between the lines – will empower them to consider events from different viewpoints, an approach central to fostering a truly “global understanding of history.”

    All rights reserved.  Elizabeth D. Herman, © 2011.   You may not cite or use this information without written permission of the author.  For inquiries or more information regarding this research, please email elizabethdherman [at] gmail [dot] com.

    §

    Works Cited

    Anderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London and New York: Verso, 1991.

    Apple, Michael W., and Linda K. Christian-Smith. The Politics of the Textbook. New York: Routledge, 1991.

    Lowenthal, David. The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985.

    Mendeloff, David. “Explaining the Persistence of Nationalist Mythmaking in Post-Soviet Russian History Education.” In The Teaching of History in Contemporary Russia, eds. Vera Kaplan, Pinchas Agmon, and Liubov Ermolaeva, 185-228. Tel Aviv: The Cummings Center for Russian and East European Studies, 1999.

    Rossery, Yvette. “Curriculum as Destiny: Forging National Identity in India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh.” PhD diss., University of Texas at Austin, 2003.

    Schissler, Hanna. “Limitations and Priorities for ‘International Social Studies Textbook Research.” International Journal of Social Education 4 (1989-1990): 81-89.

    Van Evera, Steven. “Hypotheses on Nationalism and War.” International Security 18 (1994): 5-39.

    images of 9/11 in US textbooks

    In United States history textbooks, the events of September 11 are most often described as an attack – specifically a terrorist attack.  The timeline of day’s events is described in great detail, with a large emphasis in the response questions placed on memorization of the order and nature of the attacks.  For texts that are generally characterized by fairly straight forward, bland sentences throughout other chapters on other subjects, the 9/11 narrative is dominated by action verbs and passionate retellings.

    Figure 1

    For the vast amount of space devoted to discussion of the destruction and death caused by 9/11, the reader is provided surprisingly few pictures.  There are rarely pictures of the burning or fallen towers.  This is especially interesting, as such an image (see Figure 1) is often the sole or main image that accompanies the discussion of 9/11 in foreign textbooks.

    Instead, the photograph most commonly used in American textbooks is the tightly cropped picture of three firefighters raising a flag at Ground Zero, one that is highly reminiscent of the image from Iwo Jima (see Figure 2).  This oft-used photo is just one of the many patriotic images seen in these textbooks – pictures of firefighters and flags, of classic American symbols rising above soot and ash, of children with their parents at candlelight vigils.  In none of the photographs, however, are the victims of the attacks shown.  While this may be out of respect for the families, or desire to avoid graphic images in textbooks, their absence may also signify the reluctance to illustrate weakness; there are often shocking and disturbing images in other sections of the textbook that discuss international affairs.  In contrast, in the case of 9/11, the reader is presented with America rising above and fighting back.

    Figure 2

    The narratives of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq include very few images, with any actually taken in Afghanistan and Iraq mainly and prominently featuring American soldiers.  For two wars that have caused so much destruction and death, there is not a single image that reflects this; not one American textbook includes war-torn landscapes, Afghanis, or Iraqis, instead opting for maps, pictures of Bush and his administration in national security meetings, and images of male American soldiers with large weapons in remote-looking areas.  By presenting a sterile version of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the texts make them easier to stomach and less in need of justification.

    We see this sterilized presentation reflected in the textbooks’ words as well.  While textbooks often provide exacting figures for the number of individuals who were killed on 9/11, such is not the case when it comes to the sections on the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, where there is little discussion of casualties and a strong an emphasis on the American military.  Most books do mention that US troop losses rose as the war in Iraq progressed, yet the only mention of civilian deaths state that they were the direct result of “insurgents, or rebels, [that] engaged in acts of violence that killed thousands, including many Americans,” (Danzer et al., The Americans, 2007: 1105).  There is no discussion of Afghani or Iraqi civilian deaths caused by US military actions in any textbooks surveyed.

    By eliminating any mention of the impact of these wars on those living in Afghanistan and Iraq, omitting them in both words and images, these textbooks sidestep a discussion of the more controversial – yet most fundamental – aspects of these wars, opting to focus on the details of the fighting rather than the motivations and justifications of starting and participating in these wars in the first place.

    “9/11 Taught Differently Around The World,” WBUR

     

    My research on the events of 9/11 and its aftermath in history textbooks across the globe was recently featured on WBUR’s “All Things Considered.”  You can listen to the audio (above) and read the transcript (below) from my interview, or get  it all on WBUR’s website as well.

    Covers of social science textbooks from India (l) and Pakistan (r).

    Full transcript, with interview by Sacha Pfeiffer.

    When Elizabeth Herman visited her former high school, Newton South, a few years ago, she was surprised to find that its new history textbooks already include sections on 9/11. That got her wondering how textbooks in other countries describe the events of September 11, and that topic eventually became her thesis project at Tufts University, where she graduated in 2010.

    Now a Fulbright scholar, Herman is continuing her research on how 9/11 is taught around the world. So far, she has analyzed textbooks from 13 countries. When Herman spoke this week with WBUR’s All Things Considered host Sacha Pfeiffer, she said she has found that a country’s relationship with the U.S. often influences how it teaches about 9/11.

    Elizabeth Herman: If the country’s relationship with the United States was a little bit more tense, you saw a much more critical view of the United States. So, for example, I was able to analyze the textbooks in Brazil, India and China, and in those three nations relationships with the United States are a little tense. All of those spoke about the audacity of the United States and its actions post-9/11 and the illegality of the war, specifically of the Iraq War.

    Sacha Pfeiffer: And what did you find in textbooks published in Islamic countries?

    In textbooks in Islamic countries the focus on the assailants was fairly different. In Pakistan, the textbooks completely omit the identity of the assailants. So in the United States and in western countries, you find that the attackers are talked about as Islamic fundamentalists. They’re identified as such, whereas the Pakistani textbook reads, “On September 11, 2001, American Trade Center and other strategic positions were attacked by unidentified terrorists.” And in Turkey it just omitted their identities as Muslims.

    What country presented 9/11 most differently than the way the U.S. presents it?

    I would say that the country that presented 9/11 most differently would be China. It mostly spoke about 9/11 as a sign of diminishing American hegemony — and that is not what you see in American textbooks. You see 9/11 being spoken about in American textbooks as a sign of America having been attacked and then having come together.

    You found that sometimes there were different words used in different textbooks that seemed like subtle differences, but that you think were significant. For example, describing 9/11 as an “incident” rather than an “attack.” How did you find that that made a difference?

    I think that that is what is at the heart of all this. It’s that when you’re thinking about the way that a story is told, you might imagine that one word chosen or substituted for another would not make much of a difference. But when you take all these little changes together, you get a tone that is very well-defined. So, for example, in the way that you would describe the people who executed the attacks of 9/11, whether you call them “attackers” or whether you call them “assailants” or whether you call them “individuals” has very a different connotation and creates a very different image in one’s mind when you’re reading that textbook.

    Why do you think it matters that students are getting different perspectives?

    This is one of the first generations that has textbooks that have had an event that happened less than a decade ago written into their history textbooks already; that’s new. And so that kind of speed with turning current events into history I think really changes the way the next generation is going to view these events and discusses them. And I think that if students grow up with completely politicized views of these events, then we could run into a lot of trouble.

    Do you think there’s ever really an official version of events? Doesn’t it always change depending on where you live and what your political viewpoint is?

    Absolutely. And I think that there’s no right way to teach 9/11. I think that the best thing that you can do is provide as many perspectives as possible and help students learn how to synthesize those narratives themselves.

    And that’s your goal, I believe: to take all the different versions you’ve come across and create a curriculum that presents all those different viewpoints.

    That’s exactly right. You know, originally I did set out on this project imagining that I could come up with the right way to teach this in schools. Over time I’ve realized there’s no way to do that. What I’d really like to do is I have all these narratives from all these different countries. If you hand a student 13 different ways of looking at 9/11 from 13 different countries and ask them, “How is this different from how you’ve learned this in the past? And why do you think it’s different? Why do think that Pakistan tells this story one way and Brazil speaks about it a different way? Who’s writing this history?” I think that that’s the only way that we can actually reach a new understanding of this event.


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